[Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi- Sikh Holocaust

umesh sharma jaipurschool at yahoo.com
Wed Sep 26 11:44:52 CDT 2007


Rajen-da,

Your view shows that you have never stayed in Indian metros -where govt officials do not rule.

Umesh

Rajen & Ajanta Barua <barua25 at hotmail.com> wrote:     Umesh:
 India has always been ruled by the  5% elite. In the old days it was the Aryan high cast Brahmins and Khsatriyas. To  get into that circle one had to study a lot, learn how to speak and write  Sanskrit. 
 Today it is the 5% IAS officers  and 1% MLAs and MPs whom you elect to govern. You have to learn to speak and  write English to get into that circle.
 The rest 95% were always the  ignorant people being ruled, in ancient time, during the British Raj and  now.
 I donot see any  difference.
 Rajenda
  
    ----- Original Message ----- 
   From:    umesh    sharma 
   To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam    from around the world ; umesh.sh05 at post.harvard.edu    
   Sent: Wednesday, September 26, 2007 12:41    AM
   Subject: Re: [Assam] Book review : India    After Gandhi- Sikh Holocaust
   

Rajen-da,

The dictatorship is too much of a term - it    depends where you are in India - those in metros definitely are having full    democracy and as you go into interiors where law and literacy are remote it    becomes dictatorhip by the elected.

See the video of Indira's India of    1984 - Sikh Holocaust http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_MasMHq7oUs&NR=1


Umesh

Rajen    & Ajanta Barua <barua25 at hotmail.com> wrote:             Umesh:
     India is best described as 'an elected      dictatorship'.
     Rajenda
            -----        Original Message ----- 
       From:        umesh        sharma 
       To:        A Mailing        list for people interested in Assam from around the world 
       Sent:        Tuesday, September 25, 2007 11:52 PM
       Subject:        Re: [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi- Bengal democracy
       

Rajen-da

Good example of India-Shining rhetoric.        
But just becos there is peace (despite armed militancy in 25% of        India's districts- NE, Kashmir, Bihar, Central India, LTTE South India etc        etc) and not many are dying of starvation and voting not by reading        election manifestos but by recognizing cartoons (election symbols) of        political parties . 

Even democratically elected communist govt (an        anamoly) of West Bengal is allegedly  in power for past 25 years        non-stop since  a  nexus  prevents  anyone  from        voting against the "party"  or  else face ex-communication a-la        erstwhile Pope's rule in Europe in medieval times -as per a Bengali        researcher .

But ofcourse noone can deny that despite is        shortcomings the India that is Bharat is growing  - despite spoofs        like Hollywood's "Borat" movie (Bharat ??) from Kazakhstan        (Rajasthan???)

Umesh


Rajen & Ajanta Barua        <barua25 at hotmail.com> wrote:                                    Following may be added from another review about the          book:
          
         India is the country that was never expected to          ever be a country. In the late 19th century, Sir John Strachey, a senior          British official, grandly opined that the territory's diverse states          simply could not possess any sort of unity, physical, political, social          or religious. Strachey, clearly, was wrong: India today is a unified          entity and a rising global power. Even so, it continues to defy          explanation. India's existence, says Guha, an internationally known          scholar (Environmentalism: A Global History), has also been an          anomaly for academic political science, according to whose axioms          cultural heterogeneity and poverty do not make a nation, still less a          democratic one. Yet India continues to exist. Guha's aim in this          startlingly ambitious political, cultural and social survey is to          explain why and how. He cheerfully concludes that India's continuing         
 existence results from its unique diversity and its refusal to be          pigeonholed into such conventional political models as Anglo-American          liberalism, French republicanism, atheistic communism or Islamist          theocracy. India is proudly sui generis, and with August 15, 2007, being          the 60th anniversary of Indian independence, Guha's magisterial history          of India since that day comes not a moment too soon. 32 pages of b&w          illus., 8 maps.  
                    -----            Original Message ----- 
           From:            Rajen            & Ajanta Barua 
           To:            assam at assamnet.org 
           Sent:            Tuesday, September 25, 2007 10:42 PM
           Subject:            [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi
           

                                 Good review of a            grand 900 page book on India recently published:
            
           India After Gandhi: The History of the World's            Largest Democracy by Ramachandra Guha  
 
>From The Washington Post's Book            World/washingtonpost.com
Reviewed by George            Perkovich
                                 A toast to India on its 60th birthday: No country has more            heroically pursued the promise of democracy. Against the odds of            staggering poverty, conflicting religious passions, linguistic            pluralism, regional separatism, caste injustice and natural resource            scarcity, Indians have lifted themselves largely by their own sandal            straps to become a stalwart democracy and emerging global power. India            has risen with epic drama -- a nonviolent struggle for independence            followed by mass mayhem and bloodletting, dynastic succession and            assassination, military victory and defeat, starvation succeeded by            green revolution, political leaders as saints, sinners and sexual            ascetics. And yet, the Indian story rarely has been told and is            practically unknown to Americans.
           India After Gandhi masterfully fills the void. India needs a wise            and judicious narrator to convey its scale, diversity and chaos -- to            describe the whirlwind without getting lost in it. It needs a            biographer neither besotted by love nor enraged by disappointment.            Ramachandra Guha, a historian who has taught at Stanford and Yale and            now lives in Bangalore, has given democratic India the rich,            well-paced history it deserves.
           Much will be new to American readers.            Large-scale conflicts in India's northeast between tribal            groups and the center have been as enduring, and in some ways as            important, as the more familiar violence in Kashmir. The            framing of India's constitution from 1946 through 1949 should induce            awe, especially in light of Iraq's post-Saddam  experience.
           In the midst of Hindu-Muslim bloodshed, a flood of 8 million            refugees, starvation, and other profound conflicts, Indian            representatives worked out constitutional provisions to protect            minorities, keep religion out of state power, correct thousands of            years of caste discrimination and redistribute power and wealth            accumulated by still-regnant princely states. This was done with no            external guidance or pressure. The drafting committee was chaired by            an "untouchable," B.R. Ambedkar -- analogies are inexact, but imagine            if James Madison at the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention had            been a freed slave.
           Specialists will quicken over insights from the private papers of            Indira Gandhi's confidant, P.N. Haksar, who gave his papers to Guha.            These documents reveal, among other things, that it was the Soviet            Union that proposed the 1971 treaty of cooperation and friendship            between the two countries, and that suspicion of China motivated both            nations more than was appreciated at the time.
           Miniature biographies of grassroots leaders and movements also            enliven Guha's storytelling. Jay Aprakash Narayan -- "JP" -- plays a            leading role. A onetime friend of Nehru who became the bête noir of            his daughter, Indira Gandhi, JP led a massive movement for radical            governmental reform in 1974-75, which moved Indira Gandhi to declare a            national emergency and suspend democracy.
           Some themes go under-explored: For example, why has the Indian            Army abstained from interfering in politics, unlike the military in            many other developing countries? And why has India given short shrift            to primary education, even as it has developed technological            institutes that rival M.I.T?
           Many chapters begin or end with India's future in doubt. "India            is almost infinitely depressing," Aldous Huxley wrote in 1961, "for            there seems to be no solution to its problems in any way that any of            us [in the West] regard as acceptable." He predicted that "when Nehru            goes, the government will become a military dictatorship." Guha            records that "ever since the country was formed there have also been            many Indians who have seen the survival of India as being on the line,            some (the patriots) speaking or writing in fear, others (the            secessionists or revolutionaries) with anticipation."
           Yet, marvelously, India's survival as a democracy seems more            assured than ever. Less clear is the nature of its relationship with            America. Since 2005, the U.S. and Indian governments have moved toward            nuclear cooperation, reversing 30 years of U.S. policy against nuclear            assistance to countries that refuse to sign the Nuclear            Nonproliferation Treaty.
           Washington clearly views India as a counterbalance to China's            strategic power. But Guha records an important historical            parallel.
           In 1962, China crossed disputed boundaries in the northwest and            northeast of India. A shocked Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru            abandoned nonalignment and pleaded for emergency U.S. military            assistance. Ambassador John Kenneth Galbraith wrote to President            Kennedy: "The only Asian country which really stands in [China's] way            is India and pari passu the only Western country that is assuming            responsibility is the United States. . . . We should expect to make            use of India's political position, geographical position, political            power and manpower or anyhow ask."
           Four decades later, another Harvard professor-cum-American            ambassador to India, Robert Blackwill, championed the proposed nuclear            deal with similar reasoning. As different as the presidents they            served, Blackwill and Galbraith were tempted by strategic abstraction            and a desire to raise "their" country -- India -- in American            priorities. Yet supplying arms to India in 1962 did not make India any            more deferential to U.S. foreign policy. Washington will delude itself            again if it thinks that nuclear India will be a pliant instrument in            its geostrategy. As long as India is a democracy, it will go its own            way.
           To comprehend India's achievement, imagine if Mexico became the            51st of the United States, followed by Brazil, Argentina and the rest            of Central and South America. Add Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain to            give this union the Sunni-Shia mix of India. The population then            represented in Congress would still be smaller and less diverse            linguistically, religiously, culturally and economically than India's.            If such a state could democratically manage the interests and            conflicts swirling within it, and not threaten its neighbors, the            world should ask little else from it. If we were such a state, we            would feel that our humane progress contributes so much to global            well-being that smaller, richer, easier-to-manage states should not            presume to tell us what to do.
           Sixty years after Gandhi, India has earned greater appreciation            than we give it.



           
           
---------------------------------
            
_______________________________________________
assam            mailing            list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org
_______________________________________________
assam          mailing          list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org



Umesh        Sharma

Washington D.C. 

1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

Ed.M. -        International Education Policy
Harvard Graduate School of        Education,
Harvard University,
Class of        2005

http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu        info)

http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management        Info)




www.gse.harvard.edu/iep (where the above 2 are        used )




http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/        
       
---------------------------------
       For ideas on reducing your carbon footprint visit Yahoo! For        Good this month.        
       
---------------------------------
        
_______________________________________________
assam        mailing        list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org
_______________________________________________
assam      mailing      list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org



Umesh    Sharma

Washington D.C. 

1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

Ed.M. -    International Education Policy
Harvard Graduate School of    Education,
Harvard University,
Class of    2005

http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu    info)

http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management    Info)




www.gse.harvard.edu/iep (where the above 2 are used    )




http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/      

---------------------------------
   For ideas on reducing your carbon footprint visit Yahoo! For    Good this month.       

---------------------------------
    
_______________________________________________
assam mailing    list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org
_______________________________________________
assam mailing list
assam at assamnet.org
http://assamnet.org/mailman/listinfo/assam_assamnet.org



Umesh Sharma

Washington D.C. 

1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

Ed.M. - International Education Policy
Harvard Graduate School of Education,
Harvard University,
Class of 2005

http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu info)

http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management Info)




www.gse.harvard.edu/iep  (where the above 2 are used )




http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/
       
---------------------------------
 For ideas on reducing your carbon footprint visit Yahoo! For Good this month.
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: http://assamnet.org/pipermail/assam_assamnet.org/attachments/20070926/35419b75/attachment.html 


More information about the assam mailing list